In the Mvurwi region of Zimbabwe, the commercialisation of agriculture has significantly shaped the development of land reform areas since 2012-2014. Success in these areas is largely defined by the ability to access key farm assets such as tractors, cars, irrigation systems, and associated equipment. Successful farmers are able to produce surplus crops, leading to improved living conditions, including quality homes, furniture, and the ability to send children to good schools.
Commercial farming activities, especially tobacco, horticulture, and maize production, have driven the economic success of many households. The ability to lease land and expand farming operations is essential, often requiring cash or grain, as well as good social networks and relationships. These commercial activities have translated into tangible improvements in communities, with private investment in education and health services filling the gaps left by the collapse of state services. In turn, many community members, especially women, have seen a shift in their roles, as they contribute significantly to the agricultural and marketing operations.
In Mvurwi, a stark contrast has emerged between the households that have succeeded and those that have struggled. Success stories often include a combination of farming and business ventures, leading to diversified incomes. Real estate development and other off-farm businesses have become a crucial part of the economy. For example, some households have invested in building homes in Mvurwi town or expanding their businesses using proceeds from farming, which, in turn, boosts agricultural productivity. Success in Mvurwi is not just about farming; it’s about forging links between farming, business, and broader economic networks.
However, success is not guaranteed for all. Among the 186 households surveyed between 2014 and 2025, about half experienced a shift in rank, with some moving up and others moving down the success ladder. Of the 186 households, nearly 51% had experienced rank changes. The reasons for these shifts vary, with successful transitions often linked to investment in farming, resulting in surpluses that could be reinvested in diversified businesses or real estate. In some cases, it was a gradual process where improved farming led to business ventures, which in turn fueled further investments in the farm.
On the other hand, some households have seen their fortunes decline due to various factors such as illness, death, inheritance disputes, or other personal challenges. For example, the case of a household that went from SG1 to SG3 highlights how the sudden death of a key family member, coupled with the economic burdens of illness, can severely impact a family’s ability to maintain their position. Other households have been unable to generate sufficient surplus to reinvest in their farming or off-farm activities, resulting in a decline in their ranking.
For many households that remained static in their rankings, the lack of access to resources like capital, equipment, or reliable labor has been a limiting factor. Middle-aged households in SG2 may be unable to expand their operations due to heavy reliance on tobacco contracts, lack of finance to purchase necessary inputs, or insufficient labor for scaling up their production. In contrast, some households in SG1 have continued to thrive due to better access to resources, strong networks, and the ability to combine both on-farm and off-farm activities effectively.
The complex dynamics of success and failure in Mvurwi reveal the importance of diversifying agricultural production and investing in non-farming ventures. Building strong business connections, managing risks, and developing social networks have become vital strategies for success. Despite the challenges posed by market fluctuations and environmental changes, the commercialisation of agriculture continues to play a pivotal role in shaping the economic landscape of Mvurwi.
